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Fikret Muslimović (2000).
War and Politics
Sarajevo:
Bosančica-print
pp.295
As the
title indicates, Muslimović's book deals with war and politics
in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1993 and 1996, from the
point of view of one of the three constitutive peoples in
Bosnia and Herzegovina - the Bosniacs - Muslims, and provides
a review of the events in the region up until 2000.
The
author was born on December 9, 1948, in the village of Rašljevo
near Gračanica (Bosnia and Herzegovina). He graduated from
the Military Academy in 1971, and from the High Military
and Political School in Belgrade in 1980. In 1991, he left
military school with the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the
Yugoslav National Army (JNA), as a result of disagreements
with the actions of the leadership in Serbia and the JNA.
Since
the recognition of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina
on April 8, 1992, he was head of security at the Territorial
Defense Headquarters and advisor for military issues in
the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In 1993, he became head of the Administration for Morale
and, at the same time, was the leading Bosniac representative
at the Joint Staff of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina
and the Croatian Defense Council.
From
1997 until 2000. he acted as Deputy Minister for Defense
Preparations. On April 1, 2000, he was retired with the
rank of Major General.
Muslimović
has been a member of the Party of Democratic Action, and
from 1994 until 1996, was a member of its central committee.
He has published two books, How they lied to us,
and Defense of the Republic and Aggression.
War
and Politics comprises 295 pages and is divided into
sixteen units, written chronologically and covering the
years 1993-2000. Each of the units can be read separately,
independent of the previous one. The book presents a collection
of articles created in accordance with a particular strategic
or current political issue.
Unit
one
"Conception,
strategy and the doctrine of defense" comprises fifty
pages and is the only unit which lists a total of seventeen
references. The author first defines terms such as defense
conception, defense system, strategy and doctrine of defense.
Security
and defense he defines as a function of state authorities,
and then individually analyzes the conception of security
and defense, the strategy of security and defense, and finally
the doctrine and system of defense.
According
to the author, "the conception of defense provides
a solution to the issues of organization and engagement
of internal potentials in the realization of particular
political and defense-oriented goals".
He views
the security strategy as falling "between the conception
of security and the political goals to be achieved on the
basis of appropriate conditions and directions," while
the defense strategy forms "an integral part of the
security strategy."
The
defense doctrine is "a system of acquired attitudes
and views of the organization, preparation and use of armed
forces, and conduct of armed battles as a fundamental and
crucial form of war operations on the level of strategy,
operativeness and tactics."
The
author further defines and analyzes nine "areas of
operation of a military organization" where "the
doctrine is oriented towards providing various solutions."
The defense system presents "the totality of factors
in the state and society that have a defensive role, according
to which tasks are defined" for the armed forces, management
and command, i.e., for the "defense sector."
He further
directs his attention to the defense system in the Federation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, "factors in the defense
system in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina",
"factor tasks" and "interactive connections
among the defense factors in the Federation," in relation
with Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina
and the Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
At the
end of the unit, the author describes particular military
and political organizations in their historical dimension
(NATO and the Warsaw Pact), with special reference to the
strategic role and significance of NATO.
Unit
two
"Special
characteristics of endangerment and defense of Bosnia and
Herzegovina" comprises thirty pages and was written
in Sarajevo in July 1996. The central issue of this unit
is the defense of the Bosniac (Muslim) people, and seen
in that light, the defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As
the author himself states "the destruction of the Bosniac
people and the destruction of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina
are not the enemy's goals in themselves, but are effects
that are implicated if the final goal - the destruction
of Islam - is achieved."
He presents
three elements which endanger Bosniacs: killing - genocide,
urbicide, abuse; and assimilation. In his opinion, the failure
to organize components of defense against the three afore-mentioned
elements of endangerment of Bosniacs would be fatal. Islam
occupies a central place as the source of Bosniac defense
power. "A successful defense of Bosniacs as a people
and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state is only possible through
a link of the Bosniac people, its consciousness and its
behavior with its religion, Islam. Without this link the
survival of Bosniacs in this region is impossible."
The
author concludes that "the defense interests and needs
of Bosniacs do not contradict, but assist, the defense needs
of Bosnian Serbs and Croats, and "the defense organization
of Bosniacs is based on the Bosniac ideal of peace."
Unit
three
"Continuity
of struggle for an integral Bosnian state", comprising
14 pages, was written in Sarajevo in April, 1997. It is
a "content analysis of President Alija Izetbegović's
statements." The issue pervading the entire analysis
is why the Bosniac leadership, headed by President Izetbegović,
has been accused of the partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The analysis attempts to address this issue by presenting
and explaining attitudes from some of President Izetbegović's
statements.
Unit
four
"The
fighting morale of the defensive-liberation forces during
the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina",
comprising a total of 54 pages, describes the main characteristics
and the state of the fighting morale in the Army of Bosnia
and Herzegovina between 1990 and 1995. This unit actually
presents an analysis of the fighting morale of B&H Army
units in the defensive-liberation war against the aggressor
attacking the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and is
a work product of the Administration for Morale, headed
by the author of this book.
The
analysis is divided in two parts. The first is entitled
"Character, foundations, goals, organization of work
aimed at development of the fighting morale in the defensive-liberation
forces in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina",
and the other is "Characteristics of the state of fighting
morale in the defensive-liberation war against the aggressor
attacking the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina."
In the
first part, characteristics of fighting morale are analyzed,
as well as the foundations of the creation, goals, organization
and work of experts in the development of the fighting morale
in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The
second part analyzes the basic characteristics of the fighting
morale in different periods (1990, from 1991 until early
April 1992, from April 1992 until the end of 1992, from
early 1993 until early 1994, and from early 1994 until the
end of 1995). The above-mentioned periods refer to the time
before the armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, the initial period of the aggression, the
time of "activities against aggressive military potentials
of the Republic of Croatia and military potentials of Serbia
and Montenegro", and the period from the Washington
Agreement up to the Dayton Agreement."
The
state of the fighting morale in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the author points out, was assessed on a daily and weekly
basis at the Administration for Morale, and the results
of the assessments were used by "the President of the
Presidency and the Commander-in-Chief of the General Headquarters."
The
author particularly emphasizes the following influences
on the fighting morale in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina:
loss of manpower, military and professional competence of
commanders, influence of the state authorities on the morale
of unit members, the attitudes of soldiers towards the system
of management and command in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the level of information acquired by the soldiers, emotional
and rational attitude of soldiers towards the aggressor,
behavior of soldiers, stimulative measures, motivation and
readiness for participation in military operations, and
faith and negative forms of behavior.
It should be pointed out that the development of the fighting
morale in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina was an integral
part of functional responsibility for all management and
command elements, from the lowest level of lance-corporal
to the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the Supreme
Commander.
Unit
five
"Principal
evidence of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina" totals four pages and was written in Sarajevo
on May 22, 1998. It lists eight facts which, according to
the author, provide evidence of aggression against the Republic
of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The facts are as follow: international recognition of the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, direction of military
activities on the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina from Belgrade, deployment of mobilized manpower
from Serbia and Montenegro for the execution of military
activities against the legal institutions of the Republic
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, supremacy of the Serbian and
Montenegrin people over the Bosnian Serb leadership, the
"Tuđman - Milošević" agreement, ethnic cleansing,
and political and military goals of Serbia and Montenegro
for the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Unit
six
"Some
strategic aspects of the position of the Bosnian liberation
forces" consists of eight pages and was written in
Sarajevo on June 3, 1995. It analyzes the position of Bosniacs
as a constitutive people in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina
in relation to, the author states, (1) political and military
potentials of the greater-Serbian aggression and (2) political
motives and activities of the leadership of the Republic
of Croatia, who want to use the political and military power
of the legal Bosnian authorities for the creation of circumstances
in which the political position of Bosniacs would be marginalized
and eventual domination of Croats over Bosniacs would be
ensured."
At the
end, the author offers the following solution: "A federation
of non-national cantons within the internationally recognized
borders of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the
formula for the most complete form of preservation of the
Bosnian state, and the equality of its peoples and citizens."
Unit
seven
"The
role of Bosnian Army officers and the significance of armed
combat comprises four pages and was written in Sarajevo
on June 29, 1995. Its goal is to raise the morale of officers
in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The
entire unit was written in the spirit of the author's initial
thesis: "If we want to protect ourselves, if we want
to save our families, if we want to save the people, especially
Bosniacs, and if we want to save the state of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the only thing left is combat, armed combat
against the enemy, against the aggressor."
Unit
eight
"Priorities
in the strengthening of combat potentials of the Army of
Bosnia and Herzegovina" comprises three pages, and
was created in Sarajevo on July 27, 1995. It was written
in the same vein as the previous unit - strengthening of
the fighting morale. The following sentence speaks for itself.
"... we are wondering how to survive ... the answer
is ... simple: we need to fight."
Unit
nine
"Psychological
propaganda of the aggression forces and information activities
of the defensive-liberation forces during the aggression
against Bosnia and Herzegovina" comprises 74 pages.
It provides an account of the psychological propaganda used
during the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, and
opposed to it, the information activities "of the defensive-liberation
forces during the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina".
In his
account of the psychological propaganda during the aggression
against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author
analyzes the characteristics of greater-Serbian and greater-Croatian
propaganda.
His
starting point, later elaborated through a series of units,
is evident from the following sentences: "During the
preparations for the aggression against the Republic of
Bosnia and Herzegovina and at its beginnings, a danger from
greater-Serbian propaganda was overtly manifested, while
the greater-Croatian propaganda was during that period covert,
mostly within regions that were being prepared for the perfidious
greater-Croatian aggression against the Republic of Bosnia
and Herzegovina. Together with the greater-Serbian propaganda,
the second half of 1992 sees an escalation of an ever more
overt greater-Croatian propaganda, intensified with the
attack of the Croatian Army on the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, which was preceded by the organization of the
Croatian Defense Council, as a form of mobilizing Bosnian
Croats during the aggression."
The
author's starting position in the description of "greater-Serbian
and greater-Croatian" propaganda is that aggressors
against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were Serbia,
Montenegro and the Republic of Croatia. It is, therefore,
necessary to point out some of his conclusions relating
to greater-Serbian and greater-Croatian propaganda:
"Since
the creators of greater-Serbian propaganda were aware that
many Croats felt the same prejudices and hatred towards
Bosniacs as did the Serbs, the entire greater-Croatian propaganda,
which fulfilled both greater-Croatian and greater-Serbian
strategic appetites towards the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
was realized within the greater-Serbian propaganda on the
basis of the Tuđman-Milošević agreement aimed at achieving
greater-Serbian interests."
..."The
greater-Croatian propaganda had the function of realizing
greater-Serbian interests."
..."Because
of the same goals (partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina and
extermination of Bosniacs), the greater-Croatian and the
greater-Serbian propaganda had the same characteristics
with regard to conditions, substance, and methods of their
realization."
The
author goes on to describe the goals and the scope of "information
activities" that had "the purpose of exposing
... false claims, and proving that the aggressor states
were violating generally accepted principles of international
relations, by stating facts about the aggression of Serbia,
Montenegro and Croatia against the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina."
Finally, the author provides facts regarding the substance
of "information activities" from the beginning
of the armed aggression until the end of 1992, during 1993,
1994 and 1995 up until the beginning of peace negotiations
in Dayton (November 2, 1995).
Unit
ten
"Special
operations against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina"
comprises eleven pages and was written in Sarajevo in August,
1995. Here the author analyzes goals, sites, and scope of
the special operations against Bosnia and Herzegovina and
the Bosniac people. He pays particular attention to "the
activities prior to the escalation of the greater-Serbian
and greater-Croatian policies", "special activities
of the greater-Serbian and greater-Croatian policies in
the period shortly preceding the aggression against Bosnia
and Herzegovina," and "special activities during
the armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina." The author concludes that the "special
activities" will continue with the same goal as in
the past, "in order to destroy Bosniac political and
statehood particularities."
Unit
eleven
"What
'Yugoslavia' means in the hands of greater-Serbian Nazis"
comprises two pages and was written in Sarajevo on January
28, 1999. Using the example of Montenegro, the author indicates
that the armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, those
in Kosovo, and the potential ones in Montenegro, exhibit
the characteristics of greater-Serbian aggression, rather
than those of an internal conflict or civil war.
Unit
thirteen
"The
importance of the Dayton Agreement" comprises three
pages and was written in Sarajevo on November 22, 1995.
In this article, the author analyzes to what degree Bosniac
interests were realized, and emphasizes that "the Agreement
guarantees more than a minimum of necessary conditions for
a successful perspective of Bosniacs."
Unit
fourteen
"The
meaning of Tuđman's statements during the signing of the
Paris Agreement on December 14, 1995" is a one-page
article written in Sarajevo on December 15, 1995. The author
provides a critical analysis of late President Tuđman's
statement, considering that it "contains a series of
messages arising from greater-Croatian goals that deny Bosniacs
as a people and Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state."
Unit
fifteen
"An
assessment of the current situation regarding NATO's use
of military forces against Milošević's regime" comprises
five pages and was written in Sarajevo on April 1, 1999.
The assessment examines current results of NATO air strikes
directed at the achievement of strategic goals; problems
created from the consequences of NATO air strikes on targets
in Yugoslavia; and probable directions in further development
of the situation in Kosovo and the entire region. The author
concludes that air strike results are not sufficient, that
NATO should inflict more severe losses to Yugoslav Army
man-power, and that a stable political and military organization
of Albanians is the only way to achieve the defeat of greater-Serbian
politics.
Unit
sixteen
"Strategic
issues of security in Southeastern Europe" is the last
unit, totaling eighteen pages. In this article, the author
discusses the security aspects of democracy and human rights,
the return of refugees, affirmation of co-existence and
the position of national minorities as the most important
issue of security and peace, the significance of education,
and other security issues related to the Stability Pact
for Southeastern Europe, the Dayton Agreement, demilitarization,
the restoring of balance, and so forth.
The
beginning thesis is that democracy is the fundamental issue
of peace and stability in Southeastern Europe. He addresses
the relationship between democratic and antidemocratic potential,
and holds that "the connections among antidemocratic
forces in different countries are far closer than connections
among democratic forces." The author also stresses
that "democratic forces in the Republic of Croatia
and Yugoslavia can contribute most to lasting peace and
stability in the region."
According
to the author, the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe
and the consistent implementation of the Dayton Agreement
are the "path to peace and stability."
He further
analyzes the "new situation characterized by the wish
for Bosnia and Herzegovina to access Partnership for Peace
and NATO," and asks "whether Bosnia and Herzegovina
can maintain two armies", for "two armies in one
country is a source of instability, a source for endangering
peace." The solution is seen in the integration of
"the military dimension of the Bosnian state."
Demilitarization
of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not realistic in the current
state of affairs, for in the author's opinion, the Bosniac
people would thus "remain unprotected." He maintains
this to be a good idea, but advocates a "rationalization
of military forces" and "maintaining of a balance."
The author sees the possibility for a lasting peace and
stability in the establishment of a balance of military
potentials, the security policy of countries in Southeastern
Europe, "the balanced position of national minorities"
and "the balanced relations of majority peoples towards
their members in the neighboring countries."
Based
upon the above, the following can be said about Muslimović's
book, War and Politics.
-
The author of War and Politics wishes to act as a witness
to a difficult period in which the Republic of Bosnia
and Herzegovina was established and defended. Regardless
of his wish to be an objective witness, the fact that
he was an active participant directly affecting the
development of events precludes this. The author offers
his version of the truth between two sides - good and
evil. Two units, the first and last, "Concept,
strategy and the doctrine of defense" and "Strategic
issues of security in South-Eastern Europe" respectively,
differ from the others. All other units exhibit a common
trait: the author's fear that "the theses could
be confused", i.e. that an aggression was not committed
against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that
the conflict was a civil war. Therefore, there is always
an aggressor (Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Croatian
Defense Council etc.) and a defender - the Bosniac people.
In this part, the author often equates the destiny of
the Bosniac people with the destiny of the state of
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
- The
remaining two chapters do not describe the past, but
refer to the future through a consideration of a potential
defense system in the Bosnian Federation and the type
of balance needed in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina
in order to establish a lasting peace and stability.
The greatest disadvantage of the book is its lack of
connection among topics, and the variety of methodological
approaches used in the analysis, induction, deduction,
and description of problems. The book offers neither
an introduction nor a preface, where the reader might
find information about the topic of the book and its
basic contribution. Therefore, we recommend this book
only as a collection of the author's views and a treatment
of the work of the Administration for Morale regarding
the political needs for the motivation of military units
in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the war,
and his recollections on the conception, strategy and
doctrine of defense in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The author's central focus is epitomized by a judgment
given at the end of the book that "the relation
towards territorial integrity, sovereignty and political
independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina is of the most
vital importance for the security in Southeastern Europe."
Simply
put, the message of War and Politics is:
The
destiny of security in Southeastern Europe depends on the
destiny of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state.
Therefore, security in Southeastern Europe depends on the
position of Bosniacs as a people, and a state of Bosnia
and Herzegovina tailored to fit the needs of the Bosniacs.
Miroslav
Međimorec