The
first five years of the Croatian Intelligence Service:
1993-1998
Notes
toward an understanding of the position, role, tasks and
activities of the Croatian Intelligence Service and the
Intelligence Community during the first years of the inception
and formation of the Republic of Croatia
Miroslav
Tuđman
ABSTRACT
After the first democratic,
multiparty elections held in 1990, the process of building
state institutions commenced within the framework of newly-sovereign
Croatia. This article describes the development of the
national security system: the history of the Croatian
Intelligence Service and the Intelligence Community, and
their origin, structure, tasks and activities. The first
five years (1993-1998) of the national security system
of the Republic of Croatia are presented in detail and
evaluated. HIS was formed in 1993 as a central agency
of the National Security Office (UNS). The main objectives
were the liberation of Croatia's occupied territories
and dealing with the regional crisis. HIS was also oriented
toward co-operation and partnership with foreign intelligence
agencies regarding intelligence assessments of the regional
crisis and support of the international troops (UNPROFOR,
UNCRO, IFOR, SFOR, etc). The author stresses the legal
and ethical criteria upon which HIS and Croatian intelligence
community were established.
Introductory
remarks
There
are many reasons to record the history of the Croatian
Intelligence Service and Intelligence Community of the
Republic of Croatia. This is the first such record and
I believe that the theme will be a subject of research
in the future. Satisfying the curiosity of the public
regarding the activities of the intelligence service in
order to dispel preconceptions and fears and rebut constant
attacks in the media is one reason and contributing to
the understanding, monitoring and support of the security
apparatus is another. My motives for this presentation
is a little different but also less ambitious.
First,
pointing out the spiritual and moral basis upon which
the Intelligence Community apparatus of the Republic of
Croatia was formulated or, second, commenting upon the
amount or accuracy of intelligence products the intelligence
communities provide to their governments does not in itself
lead to the resolutions which governments recommend or
the international community and key international factors
impose. As a matter of fact, the Republic of Croatia was
deeply involved in the resolution of the crisis on the
territory of Southeastern Europe since 1990; therefore,
the Croatian Intelligence Community was a subject of and
partner in the collection and exchange of not only data
and intelligence, but intelligence assessments on the
crisis in the region as well as suggesting possible means
for resolving the bloodiest European crisis in the second
half of the twentieth century. I am therefore convinced
that the lack of intelligence was not responsible for
the long and bloody conflict in the former Yugoslavia.
Intelligence can often influence the form and direction
of political, social and historical events, but not always.
I am still surprised today that ambassadors of various
countries still display a large degree of misunderstanding
as to the reasons and causes for the dissolution not only
of the multi-national states (late 1980s to early 1990s)
USSR and Czechoslovakia, but also the former Yugoslavia.
Considering their position and responsibilities, this
lack of understanding is a very disturbing indicator.
The
intelligence services devote much of their efforts addressing
the needs of diplomatic and international political relations.
Since the services are only responsible for the collection
of data (and their analysis) but not for political policies,
those who are acquainted with the facts should be horrified
that the knowledge and intelligence data regarding actual
events, individuals and processes are being neglected,
denied, or rejected due to reigning stereotypes and superficial
media reports.
The
first five years of the Croatian Intelligence Service
coincided with the inception and formation of the (new)
institutions of the Croatian state, the War of the Homeland,
the liberation of occupied territories, and with intensive
engagement in international relations (Washington and
Dayton agreements), the presence of international forces
(UN,NATO) in the Republic of Croatia (1992-1998), Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and, ultimately, in Kosovo.
During these five years, members of the Croatian Intelligence
Community participated in large numbers in operations
which undoubtedly contributed to all the major military
and historical changes; therefore, their participation
in these changes testifies to the successes of the intelligence
community. In this period, the Republic of Croatia achieved
its greatest goal: international recognition, liberation
of its territory and integration into the most important
international organizations. The successes of the Republic
of Croatia are obvious even if based only on the changes
in the political map of Europe between 1990-1998.
Nonetheless,
in the nature of intelligence work there are no significant
changes. This review, as every personal record, has an
additional selfish motive: to provide an understanding
of the nature of intelligence and the results of intelligence
activities. My academic interest has always been centered
around the organization and exchange of knowledge. Inteligence
reports are certainly one form of knowledge which requires
acquaintance with and prediction of future events; that
is, such reports serve as a basis for reaching decisions
of national interest.
It
is not my intention here to enter into a theoretical discussion
of intelligence. But I must admit that I have often been
reminded during these years of Francis Bacon's divisions
of prejudice (false conceptions), which he calls idols
and which he divides into tribal idols, idols of the
cave, idols of the marketplace and idols of the theatre1.
I have often witnessed how the intelligence service (and
the entire intelligence community) has been subject to
prejudices of the media as well as politicians - sometimes
with justification (because of a lack of transparency)
- but for the most part without justification (when there
is a desire to reject its findings), since it is easier
for politicians and the media to hide behind stereotypical
ways of thinking (prejudice) than to be exposed to risk.
The destruction of some stereotypes, such as: Yugoslavia
is a wonderful country and a perfect example of multinational
communities - can be very bloody, and can lead to negative
repercussions for the protagonists and founders of newly
formed states in the eyes of those who for whatever reason
do not wish to change their idols. Knowledge and intelligence
can enable an understanding of the former and current
state of affairs; intelligence announces change and possible
new developments. The prejudices are often a result of
the unwillingness to change one's views, or to reconcile
one's views with actual processes. Politicians often provide
proof that it is not necessary to change one's views and
positions, at least not as long as their mandate is in
force. In this case, intelligence reports are ineffective;
they serve only to irritate. Therefore, reality attempts
to form itself around idols proposed in advance. Bosnia
and Herzegovina is an example of such an experiment: the
massive efforts of the international community introduce
into Bosnia and Herzegovina (along with good intentions
and good will) a resolution reached in essence by means
of knowledge but without intelligence. Instead of allowing
the three nations within Bosnia and Herzegovina to independently
reach a resolution and agreement on their own future after
peace is re-established, the international protectorate
often imposes resolutions based upon its lack of understanding
and recognition of the facts, and thus is the cause of
the Bosnia-Herzegovina crisis and tragedy.
The
history of the Croatian Intelligence Service is a part
of the story of the struggle of the Croatian nation for
independence, freedom and autonomy, a story of the creation
of the Republic of Croatia and state institutions. HIS,
in its all-encompassing efforts toward freedom and independence,
was comprised of people - for the most part those who
participated in the War of the Homeland - who were not
professional soldiers, but volunteers, patriots, and fighters
who were given two new tasks. First, to provide the political
leadership (in cooperation with other members of intelligence
community) with relevent intelligence for the liberation
of occupied territories of the Republic of Croatia and
the resolution of the regional crisis provoked by the
dissolution of the former Yugoslavia; second, in cooperation
with their intelligence services, to acquaint the leading
countries, that is, the international community, with
the actual situation in Croatia and the entire region.
In order to perform this task it was necessary to form
the Croatian Intelligence Service (HIS) and the intelligence
community.
I
EPILOGUE: NATIONAL SECURITY OFFICE AND INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY
OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA.
In
October 1998, the work of the Intelligence Academy of
the National Security Office began. I appeared before
the first graduates of the Intelligence Academy in a new
role: as lecturer, and not any longer as director of the
Croatian intelligence Service2;
new tasks required of me an account of all that transpired
during the first five years of the existence of the HIS
and the intelligence community. The model of the Intelligence
Community was simple to present: every action, every resolution
had its justification and reason based upon the conditions
in which it was created. A summary of this model is provided
on the following pages3.
The dry presentation of the facts eliminates, however,
the intensiveness of the activities, most often during
conditions of war, under which the intelligence system
of the Republic of Croatia was created.
National
Security Office
The
National Security Office was formed by decree of the Croatian
President on 21 March1993. The creation and development
of the National Security Office and the Intelligence Community
commenced with this act. The model for the Croatian Intelligence
Community was based upon the experiences of the Western
countries, especially the American intelligence community,
and the core of the system is comprised of two civil and
two military services.
The
National Security Office (UNS) is a supreme state body
which brings into conformity, directs and oversees the
work of the bodies of state administration whose activities
are connected to national security activities. The National
Security Office, as appears in Article 2 on the Law on
the National Security Office4:
- coordinates
the work of state ministries with the activities of
national security
- directs
and oversees the work of the intelligence and counter-intelligence
services
- dissects,
connects and analyzes intelligence data and reports
necessary for the performance of the constitutional
duties of the President of the Republic of Croatia and
the government of the Republic of Croatia
- provides
counter-intelligence protection and security for the
President of the Republic, Croatian State Parliament,
the government of the Republic of Croatia and the buildings
they utilize
In
order to perform the duties of the National Security Office
as prescribed by law, the following services were founded:
Croatian
Intelligence Service
Security
Headquarters
Control and Supervision Service
In
order to perform the professional and technical activities
of the National Security Office, the following services
were formed:
Croatian National Signet Service
Intelligence Academy
The
Office is administered by a director5
appointed and relieved of duties by the President of the
Republic. The President of the Republic appoints - at
the recommentation of the Director of the Office -the
various directors of the individual services of the National
Security Office. The Director of the National Security
Office answers to the President of the Republic for the
work of the National Security Office and the individual
services of the National Security Office.
The
Joint National Security Committee (SONS) was formed
to direct and coordinate the work of the state ministries
with the National Security Office on tasks relating to
national security. The director of the National Security
Office presides over meetings of SONS and the members
of SONS are the deputy director of the National Security
Office, the director of HIS and ministers of the state
ministries.
The
National Security Office prepares regular reports to the
President of the Republic and the government of Croatia
on issues and activities of interest for national security.
Supervision over the legality of the work of the National
Security Office is performed by the House of representatives
of the Croatian State Parliament through the Committee
on Domestic Policy and National Security. The National
Security Office provides a yearly report on its work to
this Committee and, at the request of the Committee, special
reports on individual issues from in the area of national
security.
The
Croatian Intelligence Servcice is the central service
for the National Security Office and the only external
intelligence service of the Republic of Croatia which:
- collects
intelligence data of national interest outside Croatia
- dissects,
combines, analyzes
and makes available intelligence data and reports to
the President of the Republic, the director of the National
Security Office, president of the government as well
as state and other ministries within the government
of the Republic of Croatia
- works
with foreign intelligence services
- directs
and organizes the work of the intelligence services
of the Republic of Croatia
In
addition to the aforementioned duties, the Croatian Intelligence
Service performs other tasks in conformity with the law
and other regulations.
The
director administers the work of the Croatian Intelligence
Service and is responsible for its work and for performing
tasks received from the President of the Republic, the
director of the National Security Office and the Joint
National Security Committee.
The
director of the Croatian Intelligence Service calls and
presides over the meetings of the Coordinating Committee
of the Intelligence Community, organizes the work of the
intelligence and security services, and presents and represents
the Intelligence Community and the Croatian Intelligence
Service in meetings with representatives of foreign intelligence
services.
The
Control and Supervision Service monitors the constitutionality
and legality of the work of the intelligence services.
It also follows, collects and analyzes data on the work
of the members of the intelligence services of the Republic
of Croatia, as well as services and various sections of
the National Security Office. Monitoring is effected through
direct contact, investigation or as the result of a requested
special supervision.
After
the facts of a situation have been confirmed, The Control
and Supervision Service delivers a report to the director
of the National Security Office and the appropriate minister,
in which ways for resolving problems or making progress
in the work of the individual services and the Intelligence
Community in its entirety are recommended.
The
Control and Supervision Service is administered by the
director and composed of permanent members named by representatives
of the various intelligence agencies of the Republic of
Croatia.
The
UNS Security Headquarters is not really a service,
but a body which coordinates, supervises and directs the
work of the agencies that perform security tasks and protect
individuals and edifices.
The
Headquarters recommends goals, strategies and protection
plans for the highest state officials of the Republic
of Croatia, presidents of foreign states, government,
parliament, delegations and individuals whose visit to
Croatia is of great significance.
It
also is in charge of security and protection of the President
of the Republic, Croatian State Parliament, government
of the Republic of Croatia and other protected persons,
as well as objects they utilize.
The
director of the UNS Security Headquarters presides over
the Supreme Security Committee, whose members are: director
of the Headquarters, deputy director of the Headquarters,
assistant to the director of the Croatian Intelligence
Service for counter-intelligence activities, the appropriate
assistant to the Minister of Domestic Policy, the appropriate
assistant to the Minister of Defense, the head adjutant
of the President of the Republic, the commander of the
First Honor Guard, and the director of state protocol.
The
Croatian National Sigint Service (NSEI) is an expert
agency of the National Security Office, which is functionally
connected to the Central Sigint Services of the Directorate
of Intelligence Affairs within the Croatian Army headquarters
(GS OS RH).
The
NSEI coordinates, directs and oversees electronic monitoring
of all kinds of signals outside the borders of the Republic
of Croatia as well as diversionary-terrorist communications
and prohibited signals of an intelligence nature within
the borders of the Republic of Croatia.
The
NSEI director is responsible for the work of the service
and performance of tasks received by the directors of
the UNS and SONS.
The
Intelligence Academy is an educational and research
institute of the National Security Office which provides
training and education of the cadres in order to meet
the needs of the Croatian Intelligence Community. The
Intelligence Academy organizes basic and specialized schooling
for members of the intelligence community; it also has
its own publishing activities.
Intelligence
Community
The
Croatian Intelligence Community is comprised of agencies
who by special means and methods collect both within and
without the country data of interest to national security.
Goals and tasks of the Intelligence Community are determined
by the Joint National Security Committee (SONS) and Intelligence
Community Coordination Committee (KOOZ).
The
Intelligence Community of the Republic of Croatia
is responsible for obtaining data of significance for:
- national
security, and especially for conducting foreign and
defense policies and ensuring economic well-being in
accordance with laws and regulations
- opposing
terrorism and organized crime
- protection
of the highest state officials, diplomatic representatives
in the Republic of Croatia, Croatian representatives
outside Croatia as well as objects of state and national
interest
The
Intelligence Community is responsible for providing assessments
and intelligence to the President of the Republic of Croatia,
the president of the government, and ministers of state
ministries in order to enable them to more effectively
protect national security, that is, promote national interests.
The
Joint National Security Committee (SONS).
The
task of SONS is to direct and organize the work of the
state ministries in performing actions relating to national
interests. SONS sets goals, and tasks and approves work
plans of the intelligence community, and also determines
policies and strategies relating to protection of the
domestic and foreign officials. SONS also prescribes measures
and activities relating to protection of national interests.
The
director of the National Security Office presides over
the sessions of SONS, and members of SONS are comprised
of the deputy director of the National Security Office,
the director of the Croatian Intelligence Service and
ministers of state ministries. The national security and
domestic policy advisers to the President of the Republic
of Croatia also participate in the work of the Joint National
Security Committee.
Coordinating
Committee of the Intelligence Community.
The
coordinating committee of the Intelligence Community (KOOZ)
is responsible for the implementation of tasks received
from SONS. KOOZ coordinates the work of all agencies in
the implementation of their appointed tasks.
The
director of HIS presides over the sessions of KOOZ, whose
members consist of the deputy director of HIS, the assistant
minister of domestic policy (director of the Service for
the Protection of the Constitutional Order), the assistant
minister of defense for security, the head of the Security
Intelligence Service, the head of the Directorate of Intelligence
Affairs within the Croatian Army Headquarters and the
head of the Department of international military cooperation
of the Ministry of Defense. The director of HIS can when
necessary invite representatives of NSEI, the Intelligence
Academy, financial police, administrators of the Croatian
customs, criminal police and military police to sessions
of KOOZ.
Per
the Handbook on the work of the Croatian Intelligence
Community, the Coordinating Committee, among other things:
- prepares
yearly plans and work programs of the Intelligence
Community
- approves
and accepts joint operative actions
- organizes
the work of the members of the Intelligence Community
- performs
analyses and evaluations of the more important operative
actions
- brings
methods of the agencies' activities into conformity
with regulations
- monitors
the state of affairs in the various services and undertakes
steps to make improvements
- suggests
systems of training, procurement and preparation of
members of the Intelligence Community in operational-technical
sense
- resolves
conflicting interpretations in cases where jurisdiction
of activities in various services overlap or are unclear,
and other cases where conflicts exist
Members
of the Intelligence Community
The
core of the Intelligence Community is comprised of four
agencies which perform intelligence work:
- Croatian
Intelligence Service (HIS)
- Service
for the Protection of the Constitutional Order of
the Ministry of Domestic Policy of the Republic of Croatia
(SZUP)
- Security
Intelligence Service of the Ministry of Defense
of the Republic of Croatia (SIS)
- Directorate
of Intelligence Affairs within the Croatian Army
Headquarters (ObU GSOSRH)
The
Department of International Military Cooperation of the
Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Croatia is a member
of the Intelligence Community, but it is not an intelligence
agency in the true sense of the word, as it collects data
through diplomatic contacts and official cooperation with
ministries of defense of other countries.
Croatian
Intelligence Service.
HIS
is the main and supreme service of the National Security
Office (UNS). HIS implements the goals and tasks received
from UNS. As the central agency of the intelligence community,
HIS brings into conformity and directs the work of the
intelligence and security services in activities of interest
for national security and leads or monitors the joint
operations of the Intelligence Community. HIS collects,
analyzes and evaluates data which is obtained outside
Croatia by direct operational work; within the territory
of the Republic of Croatia, it is allowed to operate only
in collaboration with other intelligence services.
HIS
is authorized to work with foreign intelligence services.
HIS
brings together, analyzes and evaluates data it has obtained
through direct operational activities or from other members
of the intelligence community. The analytical work product
is provided by HIS to the President of the Republic of
Croatia, the president of the government of Croatia and
other appropriate parties.
Service
for the Protection of the Constitutional Order (SZUP).
SZUP,
in conformity with regulations on the Law on domestic
activities6,
performs tasks relating to the protection of the constitutional
order, especially counter-intelligence tasks within the
entire territory of the Republic of Croatia. SZUP prevents
actions and intentions which violently endanger or destroy
the constitutional order of the country. SZUP is also
involved in terrorism and organized crime issues within
the territory of the Republic of Croatia.
Security
Intelligence Service (SIS).
In
conformity with the Law on defense7,
SIS collects information involving counter-intelligence
protection of the armed forces and the Ministry of Defense
of the Republic of Croatia. SIS has no authority over
civilian citizens of the Republic of Croatia except in
cases of wartime operations when by order of the Minister
of Defense the activities can be expanded to civilians
in areas of military activity. SIS also performs counter-intelligence
and security protection of military production regardless
of the status of participants.
The
Directorate of Intelligence Affairs (GS OS RH)
The
Directorate of Intelligence Affairs collects intelligence
data for use by the Croatian army. The Directorate is
not permitted, in the performance of these tasks, to create
a agent network or implement operations outside the Republic
of Croatia, except in times of war. Outside Croatia it
may only exchange intelligence data through official channels
with military bodies with whom the Republic of Croatia
cooperates.
Department
of Internatonal Military Cooperation.
This
service is responsible for procuring data which is obtained
through official channels by military envoys of the Republic
of Croatia outside Croatia from institutes by which they
are accredited. Such reports are provided to the Minister
of Defense and the Croatian Intelligence Service. This
service may not act operationally either outside or within
the Republic of Croatia.
Area
of Activity of the Intelligence Community
The
President of the Republic of Croatia provides direction
for the work of UNS and the Intelligence Community of
the Republic of Croatia. The director of UNS and state
ministers determine the tasks of the services for which
they are responsible. Every service prepares its yearly
work plan according to the directions and tasks they have
received. The yearly work plan of the Intelligence Community
is prepared by KOOZ and consists of projects and operative
actions in which two or more services must participate.
The Joint National Security Commettee approves the yearly
work plan of the Intelligence Community and monitors its
implementation.
Between
1993-1998, the tasks of the Intelligence Community included
the following areas of national interest:
- protection
of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
Republic of Croatia (liberation of the occupied territories
of the Republic of Croatia)
- problems
of regional security (resolution of the crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina)
- international
terrorism and organized crime
- counter-intelligence
protection
From
the beginning, the focus of the intelligence work of the
Intelligence community was the territorial integrity of
the Republic of Croatia and regional stability, and two
thirds of the operations and projects, that is, the capacity
of the services, was devoted to these goals. Only one
third of the capacity was directed toward international
terrorism, organized crime and counter-intelligence protection8.
Form
of reports.
HIS's
information was utilized for the most part by the President
of the Republic, president of the government and ministers
of certain ministries. All reports sent to the above are
sent also to the head of the National Security Office.
HIS
sends to its users the following type of information:
analytical articles (basic type of analytic work product),
analytical studies (long-term character), and daily intelligence
(selection of current information of short-term character).
As needed, HIS also sends its users certain information
from other members of the Intelligence Community.
Cooperation
with foreign services.
Cooperation
with foreign services is determined in the yearly plan,
on the basis of agreements on cooperation with partner
services. As the service which is authorized to work with
foreign partners, HIS implements the majority of the cooperation
programs with foreign partners. Other members of the Intelligence
Community of the Republic of Croatia may work with related
foreign services, but only with the knowledge and permission
of HIS, that is, the Coordinating Committee of the Intelligence
Community.
Cooperation
with foreign services develops on the basis of exchange
of information, technical, educational and, finally, joint
operations as the epitome of cooperation between two partner
services. HIS's basic area of cooperation with foreign
services consists of problems of regional stability, international
terrorism and organized crime.
Monitoring
UNS and the Croatian Intelligence Community.
Monitoring
of the work of UNS is performed by the President of the
Republic. Monitoring the legality of the work of UNS is
the responsiblity of the House of Representatives of the
Croatian State Parliament through its Committee on Domestic
Policy and National Security. UNS provides the Committee
with yearly reports on its work and also, at the request
of the Committee, special reports on individual activities
within its jurisdiction.
Regular
and special monitoring of the services of the Intelligence
Community is performed by the UNS Control and Supervision
Service.
Difficulties
with the Model
One
of the primary reasons for the formation of UNS and the
Intelligence Community of the Republic of Croatia was
the political necessity of coordinated and consistent
reporting to the political leadership; until 1993, it
was the case that the primary users were receiving conflicting
reports on the same issues or even similar evaluations,
but during different time periods, which provoked confusion.
Several
years of intensive effort were needed to create trust
between the services, services which by their very nature
are distrustful. After some years, the Intelligence Community
was functioning in conditions of full trust between the
most senior individuals but also on lower levels. There
were two critical reasons for such a development of events:
first, there was too much work, too few people and too
little equipment for just one service to perform the work
alone; and second, in conditions of war in the country
and the critical regional situation, no single service
wished to assume the risk and responsiblity for eventual
failures or miscalculations. The destruction and death
were too great, and only by joint efforts could the danger
be removed. The service chiefs and operatives realized
and accepted this after several joint operations and successful
actions such as Epilogue, or joint operations of
security of international troops in the Republic of Croatia
and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, operations in which literally
all of the intelligence and security services of the Republic
of Croatia participated.
Problems
and misunderstandings occurred not in the Intelligence
Community of the Republic of Croatia, but in the media
representations of the Intelligence Community during the
pre-election campaign rhetoric in 1997 and 1999. It was
alleged that in the Republic of Croatia, there were nine
or even eleven intelligence agencies9,
and that there was complete confusion in relations between
VONS, SONS and KOOZ10.
I
am convinced that the prescribed model established balance
between the politicians which determined tasks, and the
goals, and the Intelligence Community, which implemented
those tasks professionally and autonomously according
to the law and rules of the trade11.
In order for the Intelligence Community to have really
been able to function as a group of synchronized agencies,
it was necessary for all its integral parts to be able
to operate successfully as individual units and to coordinate
work relating to national security.
The
most important coordinating body is the Joint National
Security Committee (SONS), presided over by the director
of UNS. Members meet as deemed necessary12
to analyze the security situation and to determine priorities
of action for the Intellligence Community in the protection
of national interests.
The
Intelligence Community Coordination Committee (KOOZ) is
comprised of all major figures of all intelligence and,
as needed, security services in the Republic of Croatia.
KOOZ transforms the strategic dimension, as defined by
SONS, into operational tasks. KOOZ is also concerned with
the precise division of work between the four intelligence
services which exist in the Republic of Croatia: two civilian
(SZUP and HIS), and two military (VOS and SIS)13.
The
President of the Republic, director of UNS and state ministers
determined the goals but were not involved in operations.
The director of HIS and heads of the services (who were,
in essence, assistant ministers) were involved in operations
but not in setting goals for the service. In this manner,
politicization of the intelligence system was avoided;
in other words, any manipulation based upon eventual political
interests was made impossible. Because of the two-tiered
system of responsibility (subordination and coordination
- service chiefs were primarily responsible to their minister,
but also to the director of HIS14
for joint operations) the system was transparent for all
participants, as there was no possibility of arbitrariness
either in the selection of tasks or their implementation.
Nor was it possible to abandon responsibilities which
had been assigned. A series of legal acts and regulations
determined the relations between the members of the Intelligence
Community, that is, between UNS and HIS. Legal regulations
which determine intelligence activities grow from year
to year, and with this, pressure on operatives to strictly
follow prescribed procedures. Parallel to this, the efficiency
of the intelligence services has also grown and created
a "surplus" of information which has been difficult
to disseminate to a wide circle of users because, unfortunately,
other potential users (in the government and Parliament)
were not (and still are not today) sufficiently responsible
concerning the sensitivity and protection of the classified
documents and data.
II
PROLOGUE: AMATEURS AND PROFESSIONALS
In
the fall of 1993 in Washington I met for the first time
with CIA Director James Woolsey. Although the HIS had
just been constituted, meetings with foreign agencies
were intensive from the very beginning, as everyone was
seeking firsthand contacts and information. The American
system, magnitude, potential and needs were impressive.
This created an even larger imbalance between foreign
agencies and the HIS, which consisted of a small number
of enthusiasts and amateurs. We did not hide the fact
that we were brand new in the field, amateurs who wished
to learn the trade. It was because of this imbalance that
I was surprised by the words with which Woolsey greeted
me: "I hear that you've discovered the best kept
secret in Washington - that we have no policy towards
the former Yugoslavia." During a later visit, when
I told the NSA director that the intelligence for a regional
stability solution is not to be sought in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
but in Washington, which in the meantime had assumed the
leading role in the region, I received the following answer:
"If something is a secret, we can discover it, but
not if it's a mystery."
Soon
we established very good relations with most intelligence
agencies. I believe we achieved this due to our honesty,
directness and dedication. In our relations with foreign
agencies, we never falsified facts or idealized the reality
(at least not intentionally). We took foreign operational
officers and analysts on site, to the frontlines and into
the battlefields, enabling them to get an insight into
the actual situation and allowing them to reach their
own conclusions. Our naivete spoke against us, but our
openness, collected intelligence and results were to our
advantage15.
On several occasions I heard the same reaction from representatives
of different foreign agencies. They were saying for the
first time that they were dealing with real people, people
who communicate directly and who actually do what they
promise.
The
relationship with foreign agencies was a two-way street
of mutual recognition and establishment of trust. We established
good relations with all those who wished to learn about
the actual state of affairs in Croatia, as well as in
the region. In the early nineties, not all countries or
their governments were familiar with the causes of the
crisis or the actual state of affairs in the former Yugoslavia.
After several years of intensive cooperation, with all
of the world agencies operating in this relatively small
area, lack of intelligence could not be a reason or excuse
for the fact that the crisis in Southeast Europe was still
continuing. Croatia emerged from the crisis owing to its
own political and diplomatic efforts and military operations.
However, a hundred thousand soldiers, members of international
forces, are still deployed in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo,
Macedonia and Albania, and it is not certain that their
mission will end in the near future.
How
and why did HIS (i.e. the Croatian intelligence community
together with the HIS) in such a short time become an
equal interlocutor and later on, an equal partner to agencies
with a very long history? Why are there no crucial differences
in the assessment of the situation in the region? Why
are existing differences being exaggerated at the diplomatic
table?
Let
us repeat once again: the HIS was formed in 1993 as a
central agency of the National Security Office (UNS).
The UNS was not a legal successor of any institution16.
This means that the HIS did not inherit or take over anyone
else's personnel or archives. The employment policy was
not to hire people who had worked for the former agencies
of the communist system. What was common to most people
who started working at the HIS was their participation
in the Homeland War17.
As this was only one of the criteria in the very strict
recruitment selection, the chief asset of the HIS was,
from the very beginning, young, capable and modest people,
who initially did not have any intelligence experience,
but were aware of the on site circumstances and possessed
the ability to assess and evaluate both people and events.
What
we were all familiar with, regardless of our participation
in the Homeland War, were the relations within former
Yugoslavia, the main causes and actors in the crisis,
as well as the views of the formal and informal leaders
and their sanding on the political scene. All this was
beyond the understanding of the foreigners, as their point
of departure was a thesis and an image in which they wanted
to believe, for one reason or another; namely, that former
Yugoslavia was "a very nice country." All those
who lived in it, but were not part of the communist establishment,
knew how far that picture departed from the reality.
Where
in then lay the advantage of the amateurs over the professionals?
Did the advantage really exist or are we only imagining
it?
I
believe that the advantage did exist and that it was due
to the fact that we were part of the reality, that we
were familiar with the reality and knew what values we
advocated and fought for. For us there were no multiple
solutions - solutions theory and logic could devise and
the illogical ones diplomacy proposed of. We knew exactly
what the other sides in the conflict wanted. We wished
the events to take only one direction in order to make
a break from the past: the unitarian Yugoslav state and
its communist regime. We knew the past very well and also
knew what we not want. We probably idealized our goals,
but not the past. Because of that, our road to the future
was very clear, although not easy.
Our
advantage lay in the belief that each intelligence assessment
depended on a correct diagnosis of the situation. The
theory that the prognosis is conditioned by the diagnosis
can be explained by the following model18.
The
essential thesis is a simple one:
Peace
and stability in the region - i.e. some new, desirable
reality - cannot be achieved by means, goals and models
which depart from real diagnosis of the crisis. In other
words, the means, goals and models shall only be realized
to the extent that the initial premises (i.e. the set
of information upon which the diagnosis of the present
condition is based) actually coincide with the factual
state of the crisis.
Viewed
from the methodological standpoint this attitude is plausible.
If we are to accept the thesis just presented, then we
must be prepared to face the consequences thereof:
The
goals and means for the resolution of a problem necessarily
derive from the description of that problem ( facts
and information by which a problem is described are
the basic argument for the achievement of the desired
objective);
There
is no substantial difference between diagnosis and prognosis:
the estimate of an existing condition and that of
a desired condition are united by a common system of
values which must be consistent, so that - as a result
- both the evaluation of the crisis and the model for
the crisis resolution are eventually consistent;
We
only see what we want to see. We accept only information
which we can understand. We understand only that
which corresponds to our system of values; we propagate
only those objectives, which correspond, to our Weltanschauung.
In other words, the multitude of information and the
ever-increasing quantity of data (relating to the crisis)
do not have a cumulative impact. New quants of information
do not increase our knowledge; rather, they increase
the discrepancies between the opposing sides. The parties
involved, having different points of view and departing
from different systems of values, inevitably attribute
a different meaning to the same set of information and
data. Whenever there is a contradiction of interests
among the various parties involved, their communication
- in the course of time - progressively becomes ever
more divergent and eventually results in an ever lower
level of understanding.
I
am deeply convinced that these postulates are valid for
all participants in the crisis: for those advocating global
and local solutions, for the developed and underdeveloped,
great and small, powerful and weak, civilized and those
who are not. These are simply the postulates of the organization
and the exchange of knowledge which govern the behavior
of social groups and political communities.
III
CONTROVERSIES, REALITIES AND PREJUDICE
.......
controversies
What
was the reality and what were the objects of interest
and activities of such a large number of intelligence
agencies? What were the points of discussion and cooperation
between the HIS and the Croatian intelligence community
on the one side, and foreign intelligence agencies on
the other?
Although
it may seem superfluous, it is necessary to outline the
basic contours of the events that were taking place in
former Yugoslavia. These events still remain the cause
of the unresolved crisis on the Southeast of Europe19.
A
year and a half after the first freely held multi-party
elections in 1990, Yugoslavia disintegrated. The process
of decay was accelerated at the moment when all of the
contradictions were exposed and the reality of Yugoslavia
had become an illusion and a deception. The newly created
countries celebrated their independence and emancipation,
and the world pragmatically accepted the new realities
as a fact, though - more often than not - it never actually
understood the real reasons and causes of the disappearance
of Yugoslavia.
Yugoslavia
was a country laden with contradictions20.
These contradictions are critical for the understanding
of the past, the present, and the future of the relations
between the nations and countries now created in the area
of the former Yugoslavia. These contradictions are the
determinig factors of the fears and desires, as well as
the motivations and objectives, of the newly created subjects
on the historical and political scene.
The
co-existence of that time in the former Yugoslav state
was equally cruel, as was the disintegration of the Yugoslav
federation itself. Those who do not understand that, or
do not take that into account, can never understand the
situation in former Yugoslavia and will hardly be able
to articulate paths and ways for finding a solution for
the crises in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BH) and Kosovo today,
and perhaps in the near future in Macedonia.
An
obvious example of unresolved contradictions is the crisis
in Bosnia-Herzegovina. To the old contradictions should
be added the new ones, provoked by the war and imposed
by present/past solutions for multi-ethnic states.
The
American idea of a nation advocates a multi-ethnic state,
in harmony with the American experience, i.e. a nation
as a single state having several ethnic communities. The
European experience, however, is different. Europe is
aware of and familiar with a state as a multi-national
country and this view is also present in Bosnia-Herzegovina
(BH): none of the three nations in BH is willing to give
up its nationality.
The
diverging American and European ideas of a nation come
from two different historical experiences, two different
interpretations of reality and, finally, two different
visions of the future. The European models for the resolution
of the Bosnian crisis followed the European experiences
- mostly Swiss and Belgian21.
......
Realities and Prejudices
A
number of democratic changes took place in Croatia in
early 1990:
- A
multiparty political system was legalized and free
elections were held;
- The
newly constituted Parliament met on May 30;
- And
in December of the same year, a new Croatian constitution,
and constitutional laws regarding human rights and
liberties and the rights of ethnic and national communities
and minorities within the Republic of Croatia, came
into being.
Aware
that this process of democratization would call into question
his plans for a Greater Serbia, Milošević offered his
support to the extremist wing of the Serb minority within
Croatia, who were threatening armed revolts and terrorizing
those around them who held a different opinion. This was
occurring with the logistical, political and propaganda
support of both Serbia and the Yugoslav National Army
(JNA). Military preparations for the realization of the
project of Greater Serbia started in 1985 with the restructuring
of military districts in former Yugoslavia in such a way
that they covered the area of Greater Serbia22.
On
May 19, 1991, a referendum was held in Croatia. Ninety
four percent of voters voted for Croatian independence.
Based on the results of the referendum, the Croatian Parliament
adopted a constitutional declaration on the sovereignty
and independence of Croatia on May 25, 1991.
The
War in Croatia and the Reaction of the International Community
In
July of 1991, after attempting a military intervention
in Slovenia, the JNA carried out a brutally aggressive
attack on Croatia, occupying about 25 percent of its territory.
The JNA was controlled by the Serbs and, in the latter
years of the war, was in effect reorganized into three
different Serb armies: the Yugoslav army (JA), the Serbian
Krajina army and the Republika Srpska army. The attack
on Croatia, combined with the JNA's later activities in
Bosnia-Herzegovina in cooperation with other Serb paramilitary
units, provoked an extended security crisis in the region.
The
aggression against Croatia carried out by the JNA came
at an unfavorable time with respect to the international
community, as it occurred immediately after the Persian
Gulf War, and in the shadow of the crisis which shook
the USSR, and led to its collapse. Today we know that
only a military engagement in favor of the victims of
Serb aggression could have been effective; however, nobody
in the international community really considered this
a serious option. All of the world's key actors were in
support of preserving Yugoslavia. It is enough to remember
the attempts made to preserve Yugoslavia with Ante Markovic,
and later with Milan Panić.
The
international community's response regarding the aggression
of the then JNA against Slovenia and Croatia showed that
it was taken by surprise by the ongoing events, and that
it could not activate the necessary security mechanisms
to put an end to the aggression.
After
both Croatia and Slovenia postponed their declarations
of independence for three months, upon the insistence
of the European Community, the UN provided the Serb army
an opening to pacify Croatia in September of 1991 by imposing
an embargo23
on the import of arms upon the entire territory of the
former Yugoslavia. This occurred under conditions of incredible
military odds favoring the Serbian army over the poorly
armed Croatian police and National Guard Corps units.
However,
the international political players eventually had to
face the fact that they had been trying to avoid: Yugoslavia,
as a nation-state, was untenable. The only argument remaining
for the regime in Belgrade was one of brute military force.
Croatia, on the other hand, had free elections, a new
and democratic constitution, and a referendum which confirmed
its desire for freedom and independence to support its
decision. Croatia expressed its determination in choosing
and protecting its independence at all costs.
Serbia,
however, did utilise its chance to realize its military
goals. It could no longer hide from the international
community the destruction and criminal activity for which
it was responsible in Croatia. Croatia's military resistance
and international public opinion, appalled by the extent
of Serb aggression at the end of 1991, led to the first
meaningful actions taken by the international community:
the Badinter Commission24
confirmed the collapse of Yugoslavia as an international
entity. Croatia was then recognized as a sovereign and
independent state, first by the nation-states of Europe,
and then by the rest of the international community. The
United Nations, in cooperation with the Vance Plan, decided
to send international forces to Croatia to carry out the
plan25.
What
did Croatia obtain with international recognition? On
the one hand, it received political satisfaction, and
on the other, it was able to incorporate the international
community's mechanisms of operation for itself - UNPROFOR,
and later UNCRO. Unfortunately, these mechanisms did not
prove very effective. The political will needed to substantiate
the signed agreements was absentand this resulted in a
blockade that lasted from 1991 to August 1995. Consequently,
Croatia may have been recognized as an independent state26
in 1991/1992, but it was forced to allow UNPROFOR and
UNCRO into Croatia with all of their restrictions, limitations
and prohibitions in the UNPA zones.
The
War in Bosnia-Herzegovina
Milošević's
war machine, which was brought to a halt in Croatia only
after it had temporarily occupied of one fourth of its
territory, soon turned its efforts toward Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Its goal was comparable to that in Croatia, to destroy
the country, reshape the ethnic picture within that territory
and create a Greater Serbia.
With
respect to both the level of brutality and the magnitude
and intensity of the destruction, this episode of Serb
aggression, committed against both Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina,
has been the bloodiest in European history since World
War II. Because of these particular details, BH became
a serious problem for the new European and world orders.
It combined the interests of three national groups with
divergent political interests: these were nations which
belonged to different religious and cultural circles,
something which has presented a deeply rooted historical
problem in this region. This fact, along with the possibility
that the conflict would spread to the neighboring countries
of this region, prompted the international community to
reconsider the political, military and security mechanisms
in its concept of the new world order which had just begun
to take shape.
Minimal
consensus existed among the international actors only
on one point: containing the conflict to the given territory
and preventing it from spreading to the rest of the region.
The questions of a political solution and territorial
boundaries remained unanswered because these key international
actors had such divergent interests that an agreement
was impossible, an agreement which would eventually lead
to the conclusion of the armed conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Diplomatic
efforts of the international community were evident but
unsuccessful. A "Cutileiro plan" was conceptualized
prior to the escalation of the war in BH. However, no
attempt was made to implement this plan. It was followed
by the Vance-Owen plan in April 1993, the Owen-Stoltenberg
plan in September 1993, and the Contact Group plan in
June 1994. All the proposed plans were de facto failures
as a result of the Serbs' repeated refusal to cooperate.
With the international community lacking authority and
the UNPROFOR forces lacking efficacy on the ground, a
solutioncould not be formed. Consequently, this meant
that the war in BH would continue. However, the search
for a settlement opened up a whole new set of developments
within Croatia.
In
spite of different interpretations, Croatian policy towards
Bosnia was clear and transparent from the very beginning.
It rested on two basic principles, constitutiveness and
territoriality for each of the three peoples in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Constitutiveness and equality of all three peoples - Croats,
Serbs and Bosniacs - is of crucial importance for the
Croats, who are smallest in number. Territoriality, regardless
of how it is described - provinces, cantons, union of
three republics - is a precondition for a nation's continuance,
and for the Bosnian Croats, it is a guarantee that they
will not be repeatedly outvoted at the local level. It
is because of this that Bosnian Croats voted for an independent
Bosnia-Herzegovina at the referendum27.
Republic of Croatia was the first28
to recognize Bosnia-Herzegovina as an independent state
and the only one to sign all the proposed plans for the
resolution of the Bosnian crisis, because all of them
more or less respected the principles of constitutiveness
and territoriality.
The
Liberation of Croatia's Occupied Territories: Operations
Flash, Summer 1995 and Storm
During
the summer of 1995, after a lengthy negotiation process
with the assistance and mediation of the international
community, Croatia was finally forced to face the fact
that prospects for a peaceful return of the occupied areas
were not viable in the near future. In order to protect
its own national interests, the Croatian government decided
to liberate the occupied territories by military means.
Due to the geographic nature and circumstances in which
Croatia found itself, the occupied territories presented
a lasting problem for the normal development and functioning
of the country.
The
situation in Croatia was made more difficult by circumstances
in BH, especially by the critical state of affairs in
the Bihać region. Bihać, a UN "safe haven" in
name only, had already found itself in dire straits a
number of times because of continual siege by Serb forces,
which included rebel units from Croatia's Knin area. If
Bihać had fallen, Croatia would have been faced with a
huge new wave of refugees. To make matters worse, the
necessary conditions would have been set for the Serbian
quasi-states in Croatia and Republika Srpska in the neighboring
Bosnia-Herzegovina to unite into one contiguous whole.
In May 1995, the Croatian Army launched the military operation
"Flash" and freed Western Slavonia. In coordination
with the Bosnian Croat army (HVO) and the Bosniac army
(ABIH), and on the basis of an agreement signed in Split29
outlining future military co-operation between Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina, Operation "Summer 1995"
was undertaken, freeing up the area bordering the Knin
region on the Bosnian side. Some time later, at the beginning
of August of the same year30,
a much more elaborate operation, "Storm", took
place. This operation liberated most of the remaining
temporarily occupied territories in Croatia. The liberation
of these areas created the conditions necessary for the
active inclusion of the international community into the
process of conflict resolution in the region. However,
after the well known Republika Srpska army's occupation
of the Srebrenica and Žepa31
"safe-havens" took place, the credibility of
both the international community and the UN mission was
destroyed.
After
a lengthy but unsuccessful negotiation process, the actions
of the Croatian Army allowed the international community
to integrate itself actively and effectively into the
crisis resolution process in the region. With a great
deal of American diplomatic engagement, as well as NATO
strength, the peace process was reinvigorated and the
necessary results were achieved for peace and security
to be established in the area.
Signed
only after a great deal of painful compromise, the Dayton
Peace Agreement32
marked the beginning of the normalization of relations
between the republics of the former Yugoslavia, and an
end to the aggression, war, devastating destruction and
human suffering in BH. Even though the peace agreements
deal mostly with Bosnia, it is worthwhile to note that
the Croatian contribution was important. This was not
only because it had changed the strategic situation on
the ground by the successes of Operation "Storm",
but because it had thwarted the Serb siege of Bihać, which
had lasted 1000 days. It was also because of the key role
played by the Croatian delegates in Dayton, even rescuing
the peace process on more than one occasion.
*****
All
these events and assessments of possible developments
were and still are a topic of discussion between the HIS
and foreign intelligence agencies. Differences in Croatian
and foreign intelligence assessments of the regional crisis
are not significant, particularly before the liberation
of occupied territories in Croatia and the establishment
of peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina33.
Assessment differences became larger only after this period,
when foreign agencies lost interest in domestic political
developments of particular countries and when this interest
shifted to non-governmental and "non-governmental"
organizations and the diplomacy.
The
differences increased first, in evaluation and assessment
of the interior political situation, due to ignorance
about the history and the past that determined the present
circumstances and second, because of the fundamental difference
in the conception of human rights in American and European
politics as a basic instrument for the solution of the
crisis.
Let
us clarify the first thesis. The dream of a multi-ethnic
and multi-cultural Bosnia-Herzegovina is not in conflict
with the vision of the future of Bosnia-Herzegovina, but
rather with experiences of the past: BH - as a multi-national
and multi-cultural community - had been called, for years,
"a small Yugoslavia". That is why the "Americanization
of the Balkans" is in contradiction with both the
history of BH and the history of (former) Yugoslavia,
which makes the applicability of this concept to its future
very questionable. Let us say once again: there is no
contradiction in intentions; it is the vision which contradicts
BH history.
Let
us clarify the second thesis. American policy34
was guided by the human rights principle; however, American
policy only acknowledges individual human rights and treats
them as if they were universal human rights. Individual
human rights form the basic principle upon which rests
the American globalization policy. Unlike the American
approach, Europe acknowledges both individual and collective
human rights: the right to culture, religion, language,
nation, etc. The Serb-Albanian conflict in Kosovo is essentially
about collective, not individual human rights. It is because
of their failure to recognize this difference that the
NATO troops in Kosovo misdirected the goal of their mission,
and KFOR is left with no prospects for ending its mission
anytime in the near future.
IV
- SAPERE AUDE35
During
the first five years of their existence, the Croatian
Intelligence Service (HIS) and the Croatian intelligence
community contributed significantly to the liberation
of occupied Croatian territories. HIS participated in
intelligence assessment processes and its members personally
took part in all military operations until 1995, not just
as operatives and analysts, but also as members of military
units. This was only possible in a unique period when
patriotism made such solutions possible. That unique period
is now behind us. Only those who have been at war, who
have felt the bitterness of defeat and the glory of victory
can begin to understand the relations of trust, courage
and dedication established among people who began a job
together and persevered until they reached their goal.
For
a number of years, people were directly exposed to the
dangers of war. It was mere luck that none of the HIS
members were killed in military operations and operations
in the battlefield. It was partially owing to the efforts
of the intelligence community that the last occupied part
of Croatian territory - so called East Sector - was peacefully
reintegrated with the rest of the country from 1995 to
1998.
During
the entire time the HIS and the Croatian intelligence
community also cooperated with foreign intelligence agencies
on issues of regional stability. They also provided support
for the security of international troops (UNPROFOR, UNCRO,
IFOR, SFOR, etc) in Croatia and in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Each year all Croatian intelligence and security services
were praised and thanked for their efforts and assistance
by commanders of NATO and the international forces36.
During
its first five years the HIS dedicated two thirds of its
actions and capacities to the tasks of the liberation
of occupied territories and regional stability. About
one third of assignments pertained to the antiterrorist
program and organized crime. In war and postwar circumstances,
this part of the program was partly related to the first
group of tasks.
In
a short time, the HIS established cooperation with a large
number of foreign agencies37.
these established partnership relations were and still
are a contribution to the stability of the whole region.
It is owing to these relations that particular countries,
their services and governments, were able to recognize
the realities in Southeast Europe in a better and more
precise way, which means that the services cooperating
with the HIS had at their disposal intelligence and facts
about the reality in the crisis area. As has been said
before, there is no prognosis without an accurate diagnosis
of the situation. However, responsibility for the use
of intelligence rests with the politicians. In spite of
the availability of intelligence, one should not overestimate
the power and role of intelligence agencies on any side,
since their findings are just one of the sources that
are ultimately determined by the worldviews, goals and
possibilities of those who make the decisions.
In
a speech38
delivered on the occasion of the adoption of the National
Security Office (UNS) Act in May 1995 I indicated a goal
to which we all subscribed and to which we dedicated our
efforts: "To form an intelligence community with
the UNS as a central institution and the HIS as an elite
agency. The goal is to ensure strategic information for
long-term strategic decisions by the leadership (the President
of the Republic and the Government). To guide the activities
in such a way that it is publicly known that we are creating,
and that we are, an intelligence elite, both professionally
and ethically. No action, operation or behavior of our
members should be unethical. We desire respect not only
from the Croatian political scene, but also from the international
intelligence community. We must strive to be better than
any services in the former socialist countries, and more
efficient than most West European agencies.
"Our
objective is to be a small, but highly professional and
ethical agency. Our every member must be above average.
The nature of our work is intellectual; we work using
our minds or engaging others to acquire knowledge of a
superior kind.
"To
be an elite, intelligence elite is to be above any average.
Therefore an easy goal is not our goal. Only that which
is high enough and important enough for strategic decisions
and assessments..."
From
the very beginning the Croatian Intelligence Service was
asked to aim for the highest goals: freedom and independence
for Croatia, peace and stability in the region. In return,
members of the Croatian Intelligence Service received
the best that their country had to offer: a chance, opportunity
and role in the historical changes. There are no words
that can describe the feeling of belonging and participating
in the struggle for the rights of the Croatian people
and enabling all the citizens of Croatia to be able to
choose and form their own faith and future.
NOTES