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Terrorism,
National Movement, or
Struggle for Self - determination?
Miroslav
Međimorec
ABSTRACT
Macedonia epitomizes
the unresolved national issue which the majority Macedonian
and the minority Albanian people of the former Yugoslav
republic faced after the disintegration of their common
state. The Macedonian state occupies a geostrategical
spot and is important to maintain the balance in the region.
The Macedonian majority shares the border with Albanians,
who at the end of the 20th century have not attained their
national goals. After the Serbian retreat from the Kosovo
province, Kosovo Albanians, together with those in South
Serbia and western Macedonia, demanded their historical
and national rights.
This action threatened the very existence of the Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). Fighting for their
national interests, Albanian rebels did not forgo violence;
by criminal and terrorist means, they essentially took
the democratically elected Macedonian government hostage.
They forced political negotiations to be held and assured
the acceptance of their present demands. But the Albanian
demands, the core of the new Prizren Declaration, are
greater than those granted, so continuing violence in
Macedonia is expected. If so, it is likely that foreign
fighters with connections to the world terrorist network
will take part.
The
Historical Framework
The
Agreement on borders1, to which FRY2 and FYROM3 agreed
in the treaty signed by Koštunica4 and Trajkovski5 in
Skopje in February 2001, triggered the clashes that began
between the Macedonian police and Albanian rebels. The
agreement essentially prevented the Macedonian Albanians
from achieving their national demands. For Macedonians,
the presence of four hundred KLA(6) (UCK-OVK) terrorists
from Kosovo and Šara mountain range7 was the beginning
of aggression and terrorism in the country.
Whichever date is assigned, February 2001 marked the end
of the "virtual peace" in Macedonia, the end
of the "make-believe national tolerance and co-existence"
praised by the International Community (IC). (The International
Community could then assert that conflicts in former Yugoslavia
were caused by nationalist policies of its peoples.) The
so-called peace lasted until the autumn of 1991, when
FYROM proclaimed its independence. The "Ilirida"8
referendum, by which Macedonian Albanians wanted to achieve
the western parts of Macedonia, precipitated fierce ethnic
clashes that were later repressed. The Albanian demands
were silently accepted by the Macedonian and Albanian
political (nationalistic) elite. Unofficial Albanian autonomy
was thus established, as was de facto local government
in the areas of Albanian majority.
The fact is that Macedonian authority had been absent
in western Macedonia for ten years. The Macedonians stood
off from the invisible borders of Albanian territory,
allowing it slowly to become a state within a state. In
that area, gun running, drug trafficking, and people smuggling
flourished.
After the Yugoslav army9 left Kosovo, Albanian interest
in the common ethnic territory grew to include western
Macedonia. Placing the FRY - FYROM demarcation line on
the Šara mountain range, which is situated in the heart
of Albanian territory, meant an Albanina declaration of
war.
The greatest influences in the formation of the sovereign
Macedonian republic were Slobodan Miloševia and Serbia10,
and the US11. Macedonia, as Bosnia and Herzegovina12,
fought to stay within Yugoslavia. But by late autumn of
1991 Macedonia's separation from Yugoslavia was accepted.
To Miloševia, Macedonia, traditionally close to Serbia,
was more useful as an independent negotiator between him
and whomever he was at war with. Macedonia also supplied
free passage to the traditional allies of Serbia; i.e.,
Greece and through it to France and Great Britain. If
Macedonia stayed in rump Yugoslavia, this could not be
accomplished. Counting on its orthodox partnership, Miloševia
agreed to Macedonia's independence. In that process, the
US through UNPREDEP13 exerted its military presence, thus
securing NATO's14 south wing and a strategically important
corridor connecting Europe and Asia.
The Southeast Europe/Balkans15 region, after the fall
of the Berlin wall and the new world order, was a laboratory
in which the US, EU16 and NATO tried to secure a future
for the former Yugoslav peoples (called "The Balkans
question"17 in the last century). The Yugoslav crisis18
was contrary to the EU plan for European unity and the
US vision of globalization. Thus the FYROM came to illustrate
that the demands for ethnically pure states (which led
to the denial of national, religious, and cultural freedoms)
are nationalistic frenzy and a crime.
Coexistence and recognition of national rights in multi-ethnic
Macedonia became an ideal to hold up to the warring states
of former Yugoslavia. Using Macedonia as an example, IC19
has devised new ideas, and new solutions and proposals
for the political and economic formation of the region.
After ten years, various state and political constitutions
for SEE/Balkans were formulated in that laboratory: unitaristic,
federal, confederal, independent national states, protectorates,
regional unions, pacts, processes, and initiatives that
recognize minorities as equal in government (the proposition
of the German foreign ministry20 e.g.). IC is currently
trying to impose a permanent solution to the SEE/Balkans
crisis.
The
Macedonian question
At
the end of the 19th century, the Macedonian question and
VMRO21 freedom fighters against the Turkish rule were
vexing the Balkans and Europe. Serbia, led by its own
interest, formed South Serbia - Macedonia, a plan realized
in the First Balkans War22. Bulgarian aspirations towards
Macedonia had, for a short period, been realized during
World War I and World War II. Stalin helped communist
rebels in northern Greece. Yugoslavia had always backed
Macedonia's sovereignty; after that, US became its curator.
In the bloodbath of Yugoslavia's disintegration, it seemed
that only the Macedonian question was resolved peacefully.
But along with the Macedonian came the "Albanian
question."23 Ideas of the First Prizren League24
and the Greater Albania25 - as proposed on Congress of
Berlin26 in 1878 had their practical realization in the
forming of Albania27 in 1913. The Albanian confrontation
with Serbian hegemony continued throughout the 20th century.
Strong Serbia, a member of the winning coalitions formed
after both World Wars and aided by France and Great Britain,
thus governed over the majority of SEE/ Balkans territory,
including the Albanian people. By the end of the 20th
century, the conditions were present for the "Slovenian,"
"Croatian," "Bosnian," "Serbian,"
"Montenegrin," "Macedonian," and "Albanian
question" to come to the fore.
Albania today is steeped in its own problems and, as publicly
declared, not interested in Greater Albania, but only
concerned with forming a democratic and legal state.
The war in former Yugoslavia began in Kosovo28, devastated
Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then returned
to its starting point, dividing Kosovo from Serbia. This
created a new political situation. After Miloševia's fall,
Serbia began democratization processes, and reassessed
its national interests. The south, populated by Albanians,
and Macedonia and Montenegro were of utmost interest.
Its traditional ally, Russia, agreed. The West supported
Serbia again after the fall of Milosevic and began to
question its promise of Kosovo independence to the Albanians;
it also opposed Montenegro's independence. The formation
of small, independent states was passe, and the EU and
US disagreed with secession from socialist Yugoslavia.
The bywords were integration and globalization, regional
co-operation and integration. Flora Lewis29, in the spring
of 1995, said: "The only solution for Yugoslavia
is - Yugoslavia." The West has instigated co-operation
among the countries with the Agreement on borders signed
by FYROM and the FRY. This provoked Macedonian Albanians
and the Macedonians, but grounds for the crisis had been
prepared much earlier. The NATO action "Essential
Harvest"30, was the key phase for the FYROM peace
process. The official FYROM government had early on characterized
the Albanian rebellion as an terrorist act, an aggression
from abroad; but its arguments, accepted by Russia and
Orthodox neighbors, were rejected by the EU and NATO.
The Albanian side offered little evidence to back its
claim. After September 11th, however, there was a new
perspective on events in Macedonia.
For Macedonia, the Albanian rebellion was an act of terrorism;
therefore, it must be dealt with as the US is dealing
with Afghanistan. The overseers of the crisis, EU and
NATO, are opposed to such a reading. They call it "the
Israeli syndrome"31; local ethnic clashes do not
equal global terrorism.
Terrorism is the key factor to understanding the Macedonian
crisis. The fight against communism/socialism in Bosnia
and Herzegovina and Kosovo is a carbon copy of that which
happened in Afghanistan. Afghan war veterans, urged by
religious leaders in Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, and Egypt,
and backed by Iranian money, have rushed to aid Bosnia's
Muslims. They joined the mujahedeen generations that were
raised in refugee camps or rose from poverty in Algiers,
Sudan, Yemen, Afghanistan, or Pakistan. After the Dayton
Peace Accord32, a number of them stayed in Bosnia and
Herzegovina; others left for Albania, next door to Kosovo
and FYROM.
The US aided Bosnia and Herzegovina indirectly, in accordance
with the US policy of support for moderate Muslim secular
states.Quoting Fouad Ayami33. Instead of fostering co-operation,
the US aid led to Muslim religious and cultural self-awareness
(hundreds of mosques have been erected in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Kosovo and FYROM), a different way of life, and rejection
of western values. After September the 11th, Muslim houses
displayed slogans and graffiti supporting Osama bin Laden34
and opposing US actions. Threats to western diplomatic
missions temporarily closed US and British embassies in
Bosnia. Persons allegedly connected with Al Qa'ida35 were
arrested.
The Macedonian and Serbian press reported covert terrorist
networks in the former Yugoslav countries, foreign terrorist
fighters in the recent Macedonian and earlier Kosovo clashes,
training camps in Albania, and alleged Bin Laden financial
funds. 40,000 fighters were said to be ready on Bin Laden's
command to erupt in the Balkans and attack American interests.
As a result of press coverage, intelligence agencies have
confirmed the mujahedeen presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Kosovo, and the FYROM. Presently, SFOR36 is arresting
terrorists in Bosnia and Herzegovina; KFOR is also conducting
massive search operations in Kosovo.
In spite of the peace process led by the EU and NATO,
no solution to the Macedonian crisis is in view. Winter
will postpone guerrilla actions till spring. Macedonian
political parties and public opinion should by then accept
the imposed new constitution. Albanians will have achieved
their short range aims. This could be one step to achieving
Macedonia's federalization and the founding of Greater
Albania or Greater Kosovo37. That Albanians reached their
goals using terrorism is irrelevant. But to the world,
marking the difference between one man's terrorist and
another man's freedom fighter is apparently important.
Military
and Strategic Situation of Macedonia in 2001
The
capture at gunpoint and detention of a TV crew in Tanuševac38
(February 2001) confirmed the existence of organized Albanian
guerrillas in Macedonia; they controlled the region stretching
from Kumanovo39 on the north border with FRY to Lake Ohrid40
on the south border with Albania. Albanian guerrillas
armed themselves without interception, built watchtowers
and trenches; they prepared to defend "their own
territory", and later to advance on other parts of
Macedonia they considered theirs. Using guerrilla tactics,
Albanians inflicted the first official Macedonian police
and military losses. They cut the water supplies, ambushed,
threatened, and expelled the non-Albanian population.
FYROM acted with military restraint, avoiding unnecessary
civilian casualties. This restraint masked its inexperience,
military incompetence, and inadequate military and police
cooperation. The powerlessness of government forces meant
lost control of Macedonian territory. Macedonian forces
in early spring had expelled guerrilla fighters from above
Kumanovo and Tetovo41, secured the road to the Šara mountain
range peak, and the border crossing to Kosovo - Blace42.
The danger that Albanians would close the highway connecting
Beograd, Skopje, and Athens was averted, but not a dead
or wounded guerrilla fighter was found. They just disappeared,
melting into civilian populations, entering cities and
villages, or going into Kosovo to commence a new, fiercer
phase of combat.
Helped by their co-nationals from Kosovo and foreign volunteers,
all experienced fighters and backed by logistics, money,
and political support, the armed "ONA"43 combatants
succeeded in ethnically cleansing the greater part of
western Macedonia. They expelled the Macedonian police
and army forces and occupied two thirds of Kosovo, thus
securing a strong negotiating position. Doing this, the
rebels used terrorist strategies: killing of civilians,
taking hostages, and committing sabotage and war crimes.
In return, the Macedonian side could not avoid excessive
use of force against civilian targets. Macedonian soldiers
could not be averted from vengeance; the ICTY in The Hague44
is investigating the war crimes committed by both sides.
In the occupied villages, Macedonian police uncovered
a mass grave containing the village missing.
Finally, under EU pressure, the Ohrid Agreement/Framework
Agreement45 was signed in August 2001. The Albanians agreed
to disarm and disband "ONA"; in return, they
got greater minority rights in areas where they were the
majority. The Macedonian population had difficulty accepting
the concessions, but EU and US pressure and promises were
hard to resist.
NATO implemented the military part of the agreement ("Essential
Harvest" and the "Amber Fox"46. Soon the
"ANA"47, a new armed Macedonian-Albanian group,
surfaced. ANA asked Macedonia to honor the Ohrid Agreement
that gave unconditional pardon to the Albanian rebels.
ANA is considered to be the main source for the continuing
armed assaults, bomb attacks, and the destruction of Macedonian
churches and cultural monuments.
The ranks of ONA and ANA contain Albanians from Kosovo
and American citizens of Albanian descent. The financial
support for these organizations can be traced to the US.
Other foreign volunteers are also involved in ONA and
ANA. They took part in the Kosovo fighting and were active
in the Macedonian conflict. Because of these activities,
ANA from July 2001 has been put on the U.S. State Department's
Black List.
Due to Albanian rebel pressure, and honoring the Ohrid
Agreement (this time under EU and US pressure), Macedonian
president Trajkovski has accepted the major part of the
Sobranje agreement.48 Foreign and domestic "crisis
controllers" may allow the use of force to achieve
a final political accord. "Kaeaks"49 are skillful
fighters. Come spring, they could again press their political
demands by use of arms. The negotiators would be Albanian
legal political parties sympathetic to the rebels. If
negotiations stagnate, the rebels in the field will exert
armed pressure.
The reasons for Macedonias' refusal and Albanians' pressure
to accept the Ohrid Agreement can be traced to the First
World Albanian League Congress'50 declaration: "All
Albanians should unite - on all their ethnic territories:
Montenegro, Kosovo, Eastern Kosovo (South Serbia), and
northwestern Macedonia, even if force must be used."
This stance will overshadow future political moves and
the Macedonian armed conflict.
The
Macedonian Crisis - its Political Foundation
The
political crisis in Macedonia was reached during Rankovia's51
repression, the brutally rebuffed uprising in 1981, and
resurfaced at the break-up of Yugoslavia ten years later.
Tense and volatile situations in the areas where Albanians
lived in former Yugoslavia infected neighboring areas,
particularly west Macedonia.
The drive to achieve greater autonomy for Albanians, first
supported by Tito and later revoked by Miloševia, was
accompanied by a demand for the founding of an Albanian
University in Debar52. When that was refused, Albanian
demonstrations (1991) followed.
After these events, a never-written accord was reached
concerning divided sovereignty, which held for ten years
and ended when Serbia withdrew its troops from Kosovo.
Albanians grasped the occasion to push for an Albanian
state, Greater Albania, or Greater Kosovo. The political
climate was more favorable in 2001. Miloševia was driven
from power, and Serbia had started its own democratization
process. Kosovo was a UN protectorate, and a step away
from independence. Albanian centers of political power
abroad (Germany and Switzerland) and other Albanian ethnic
areas concluded that the US was in favor of Albanian independence.
The right political moment to unite had come. However,
ethnic demands were affected by Albanian criminal organizations,
who by then were entrenched in international drug trafficking,
arms running, and people smuggling. These organizations
again offered financial help to Macedonian Albanians as
they had in Kosovo.
The EU and the US considered the destabilization of this
area a major concern, and immediately intervened in the
crisis. The US openly supported the Macedonian government;
Albanians were supported secretly. Albanians were US allies
in the Kosovo crisis, keepers of the Straight of Otranto53,
and opposed to Serbian nationalism adversaries.
The crisis had various stages, beginning with the implementation
of the Ohrid Agreement and leading to the ONA disarmament
in late September. It also had its extreme and violent
form (Macedonian nationalist parties' war cries). NATO,
EU, and the US intervened to reach a political solution
to the crisis. EU was especially active: rewards/threats
were offered and made to solve the problem; the US made
certain that its global interests would not be jeopardized.
After Miloševia's fall, Serbia again entered the political
scene. It had the support of the Russian Federation and
its Orthodox neighbors, both of whom rejected Albanian
nationalism. Putin54 and his minister Ivanov55 initiated
the New Congress of Berlin in order to define borders,
and thus stop formation of new states in the SEE/ Balkans
area; i.e., Kosovo, Montenegro, or Greater Albania.
Rewarding Macedonia with the "Stabilization and Enlargement
Agreement"56 membership, the EU got both the warring
parties to sign the Ohrid Agreement. NATO helped disarming
the Albanian rebels, and OESS57 implemented the Ohrid
Treaty. The Albanians obtained local self-government,
the right to use their language, and a proportional number
of policemen. Macedonia accepted the divided state sovereignty,
and the ethnic minority as designed in Brussels58 became
equal to the majority.
Macedonia's political parties accepted the Ohrid Agreement,
but Macedonian police returned to villages previously
controlled by rebels. The West Macedonian Albanian population
is one with its co-nationals in Kosovo. This goal, never
spoken of openly, seems to be achieved: the future secession
of western Macedonia, and its unification with Kosovo
or Albania, a goal clearly written in the recent Prizren
Declaration.
Terrorism
and the Macedonian Crisis
"Terrorism's
purpose is to seriously endanger civilian populations
and force governments or international organizations to
fulfill their demands; to destabilize or interrupt basic
political, constitutional, economic, or social structures
of a country or international organization."59
The terrorist actions of armed groups in the Middle East,
Europe, or Afghanistan are identical to those perpetrated
in western Macedonia. Armed Albanian groups threaten civilians
and demand that the government fulfill demands ranging
from autonomy, federalization, and even secession of Albanian-populated
areas. Rebels have thus destabilized the state, taken
hostages, and by other criminal means (drugs, arms, slavery)
ethnically cleansed the non-Albanian population and threatened
international organizations. These acts brand them as
terrorists.
But Albanian rebels claim to be freedom fighters. They
fight to use the Albanian language and for cultural and
economic self-determination. Are there indications that
Albanian guerrilla fighters are terrorists and that international
terrorism influenced the Macedonian crisis? Macedonian
majority opinion is convinced that such a connection exists.
Europe wouldn't speculate even after September 11th.
The
former Yugoslav Armed Conflicts and Terrorism
In
order to understand the influence of terrorism on the
SEE/Balkans region, one must start with the wars that
marked the breakup of former Yugoslavia. Though Islamic
humanitarian organizations offered support during the
1991/1992 war in Croatia, it was during the war in Bosnia
and Herzegovina that Islamic fighters, war veterans, and
various militant and terrorist organizations' members
took part. Such were Algeria's GIA60, Egypt's JIHAD, Muslim
Brotherhood and Gama el Islamia61 members, to mention
a few, and a wide spectrum of Arab terrorist organizations
(Hamas, Hezbollah)62. The secret services of Iran and
other countries were drawn into the conflict, and so were
money, arms, and equipment shipments from Saudi Arabia,
the United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Sudan, Iran, Libya, and
even the Sultanate of Brunei.
At first, the idea of helping the Islamic brothers wasn't
conceived as fighting against the "infidels"
and western values. Many mujahedeen, with the CIA's63
silent consent, crossed Croatia en route to Bosnia and
Herzegovina to fight against communism, Serbian aggression,
and to defend Bosnia's sovereignty. After the public mujahedeen
cry for Islamic values, for an Islamic constitution of
the future state, and a sovereign Islamic Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the troubled future of Southeast Europe was clear.
After the Dayton Peace Accord, the mujahedeen threatened
its tutors (Bosnian secret services and politicians)64,
the CIA, and other western intelligence services. Mujahedeen
were thus forced to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina. A few
hundred had citizenship through marriage and remained,
but they were not inactive. New terrorist camps appeared
in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From them, their activities
could be traced to France, Italy, Croatia (car bomb in
Rijeka, the killing of returned Croat refugees in central
Bosnia, car bomb in Mostar)65 and Arab countries. After
thorough intelligence and police investigations before
and after September 11th, Al Qa'ida "sleepers"
were traced to Bosnia and Herzegovina; one terrorist directly
involved in the September 11th attacks was also identified.
Also discovered were plans to hijack planes and attack
the military base in Tuzla. Terrorists accused of bomb
attacks in Rijeka and Mostar were arrested as well. Police
in Bosnia and Herzegovina extradited (wanted terrorists
in their countries of origin) Hasan al Sharif, Mahmud
Shulah and Abdullah Esindar to Egypt, and sent Said Atamani
and Zuhair Shulah to France. Hasan al Sharif, under the
assumed name of Bensaiem Belkasem, was identified as a
key Al Qa'ida figure in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many press
said that Osama bin Laden got a Bosnian passport66 in
1993. But former president Izetbegovic quickly denied
the report. In the NATO defense ministers' meeting (December
18th 2001), NATO's Secretary General, George Robertson,
claimed that SFOR in Bosnia and Herzegovina had eradicated
the Al Qa'ida network there; also, KFOR in Kosovo was
investigating alleged terrorists there.
When the war ended in Bosnia and Herzegovina, political
turmoil subsided, but the tension in Kosovo increased
. Mujahedeen from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania's
training camps were active in inciting the Kosovo conflict
(1998/1999). Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung67 cites dates
when the first Islamic terrorist branches were established
in Albania.
After the fall of communism, Salih Berisha (Washington
Post, 1993) invites Muslim clerics from Egypt and Saudi
Arabia to Albania. Mohammed Zawahiri, Bin Laden's first
lieutenant, comes to Albania as a functionary of an Islamic
relief organization. Under that guise, he brings into
Tirana more Egyptian radicals and establishes the first
terrorist cell, thus coordinating from Albania the network
of Islamic extremists in Arab countries, primarily Egypt.
Their activity soon attracts the SHIK68 and the CIA. Along
with Zawahiri were Osman Saleh, passport forger and Al-
Qa'ida military instructor, and Yasser al Serri, who had
the sobriquet of "the electronic brain" of the
organization. Ahmet Ibrahim el Naggara, an Egyptian married
to an Albanian, was in charge of foreign affairs. In the
spring of 1998, Attia and Saleh both disappeared from
Tirana; very likely they were extradited through CIA channels
to Egypt, where they were tried, found guilty of terrorism,
and executed. But Zawahiri escaped abduction and extradition.
He was recently arrested in London, and is currently awaiting
court action.
The Greek and Macedonian press were quoting intelligence
service data at the peak of the Macedonian crisis concerning
the existence of Al Qa'ida training camps in Tropoja,
Kukes, and Bajram Curiju in Albania's north. After training,
Al Qa'ida combatants were sent to Kosovo, Macedonia, the
Middle East, and Chechnya. Their activities were probably
financed by Osama bin Laden during his brief stay in Albania
in 1992 and 1993. According to the Greek Antenna TV69,
Bin Laden was twice in Albania during Berisha's government.
General Veyvakis70 claims that behind the façade of the
Arab - Albanian bank in Tirana are Osama bin Laden's assets.
Kosovo was the next destination for foreign terrorists.
After NATO's bombing campaign and Serbia's retreat from
Kosovo, the ground was prepared for greater Albanian territorial
claims. Muslim volunteers in Bosnia were estimated at
a few thousand; those for Kosovo and Macedonia at a few
hundred. After the Dayton Peace Accord, Miloševia's capitulation,
and the implementation of the Ohrid Agreement, fighting
in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia subsided.
NATO enforced peace in these countries; however, foreign
combatants turned some of the villages into Muslim spiritual
and political centers. The west and the US worked to prevent
an Islamic religious and political influence and to ensure
the safety of its troops. Under strong IC pressure, all
foreign combatants were forced to leave Southeast Europe.
The majority were identified (their data are at the disposal
of interested services and states). Many, because of their
terrorist past, could not re-enter their countries of
origin; they are on their way either to Chechnya, Somalia,
Sudan, Yemen, or are re-inventing themselves in Afghanistan,
the heart of present-day terrorism.
The Australian Taliban's story is an exemplary illustration
of such a combatant's path. A young adventurer, David
Hicks71, came to Kosovo to fight in KLA ranks. He inhaled
Islamic teachings, went to Australia, and then to Pakistan.
In Pakistan, he joined the terrorist organization Lashar-e-Taiba72
and fought for Kashmir's independence. In 1999 he underwent
Al Qa'ida training in Afghanistan. He is captured in northern
Afghanistan and handed over to American forces. If he
is tried before an American military tribunal, he can
face death. The media reports at least two more Australians
who joined the Taliban and possibly Al Qa'ida. Also mentioned
are one French and a larger group of British Muslim citizens.
The American John Walker's story got the greatest media
coverage. After his capture, he said that he was not renouncing
the Al Qa'ida cause. Hundreds of Arabian, Chechen, Albanian,
Pakistani, Macedonian, Albanian, and Bosnian Muslim passports
and other documents were found in the Al Qa'ida camps,
evidence of the role of terrorists in Bosnia, Kosovo,
and Macedonia. For example, "Albanian daily news"73
reported that five Arab families were expelled from Albania.
Mostly Egyptian, they were members of Islamic relief organizations,
such as "World organization of Islamic aid,"
"Incarnation of Islamic heritage," "Al
Haramein," and "Al Waffk". Pakistan's "The
Frontier post"74 reported that border troops arrested
28 Al Qa'ida fighters escaping Afghanistan. They were
Sudanese, Saudi, Turkish, and Albanian nationals. It appears
that Albanians were successfully recruited. Whether Albanians
went first to wage war in Afghanistan or were only training
there to later return and fight in Kosovo, South Serbia,
or Macedonia, is irrelevant.
Future
Perspectives
A
high possibility exists for renewed clashes in Macedonia.
A Federal Yugoslav official warned that Albanian terrorists
plan to renew the fighting soon in South Serbia, and commit
terrorist attacks on Belgrade. Ibrahim Rugova75 infers
that "Mohammad Hassan Mahmoud, head of Al Qa'ida's
network, is somewhere between Kosovo and Albania and directing
terrorist operations in the region." On December
9th 2001 Albanian terrorists leveled the 9th century Orthodox
St. George's church, dating from the 9th century in Reeica
near Tetovo. An assassination attempt in Skopje on the
Macedonian Prime Minister Georgijevski76 in Skopje was
prevented when two Albanians carrying explosives were
captured. Boškovski77 also projects future Albanian terrorist
acts in Kosovo, South Serbia, and FYROM.
Macedonian media reports the "quiet" ethnic
cleansing of Macedonians who used to live in dominantly
Albanian territories. The Kosovo model is also applied
there: wealthy Albanian "guest-workers"78 are
buying land from intimidated Macedonians. Intelligence
services are warning of ANA armed actions after Ramadan79.
Macedonian president Trajkovski asked NATO to prolong
its "Purple Fox" mission for another three months.
Russian sources predict a renewal of clashes in Macedonia
if it suits the US, who "manipulates the crisis."
The US admitted that American citizens of Albanian origin
were fighting in the ranks of ONA and ANA; it then froze
the assets collected in America to support the guerrillas
and stopped issuing visas to any Albanians involved. The
German press related, unreliably, that American advisors
were in Macedonia, that secret helicopter reconnaissance
flights over Macedonian territory occurred, and that military
equipment had passed through the porous Macedonia - Kosovo
border, which is under American control.
A certain, unnamed Macedonian diplomat is of the opinion
that American intelligence played a role in the Albanian
guerrilla presence in Macedonia. He claims that aggression
against Macedonia began in Kosovo in February 2001, when
"four hundred terrorists, KLA members, arrived and
crossed the Šara mountain range in the American controlled
sector in Kosovo. That act," said the diplomat, "was
caused by Macedonia's weakness, and the concessions IC
made to the new democratic Serbia / Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. Federal Yugoslavia was right to identify its
conflict with Albanians as a conflict with Islamic terrorism.
By branding Albanians terrorists, Serbia will keep Kosovo
within borders of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's
borders."
Albanian demands, backed by armed struggle, grow more
adamant. Albanian criminal organizations fund the struggle.
Its ideological base is the Prizren Declaration. Their
members are nationalistically intoxicated youth who are
lavishly suppported by an international terrorist network.
Official Macedonian circles opine that militant Kosovo
forces (ex-OVK fighters) and the radical Albanian World
Organization are enmeshed in the conflict.
A strong NATO resolve is to eradicate terrorism in this
part of the world. SFOR and KFOR actively implement the
UN Security Council 1373 Resolution dealing with world
terrorism and the EU Resolution which defines it. Although
NATO supports one instead of three separate international
peace forces (one for Bosnia, one for Kosovo, and one
for Macedonia), Macedonia opposes being linked with Kosovo
and Bosnia.
Conclusion
FYROM
in a year has lost the approval of EU and US. EU, in particular,
is dissatisfied with Macedonia's "nationalist"
interpretation of the crisis, and its appropriation of
blame to the Albanians. Some EU politicians conclude that
closer ties with Macedonia were premature, and that the
Macedonian government is untrustworthy and not yet ready
for compromise. Hence financial aid is postponed (Donors'
Conference).80 It is claimed that Macedonia has not yet
met European democratic and ethnic tolerance criteria.
Recently, however, they were saying just the opposite.
Again all the blame for IC's own misjudgments and failures
is heaped on Macedonia's shoulders. Macedonia must concede
that its constitution will be changed (it is now written
that Macedonia is the Macedonian people's state), and
accept the fact of Albanian autonomy - the division of
sovereignty between the majority Macedonian and the minority
Albanian people.
IC condemns the Macedonian Albanians' radical methods.
It supports Albanian moderate politicians, hoping that
they can negotiate peaceful coexistence in Macedonia.
IC does not want a conflict in one of SEE/Balkans countries
to again spill over the borders. The US has profited by
the former Yugoslavia break-up by gaining strategic advantage
in Southeastern Europe, especially Albania and Macedonia,
a gain it assures by its military presence. In order to
break nationalistic Serbia, the US used Islamic mujahedeen.
The CIA and DIA81 brought mujahedeen terrorists into the
SEE/Balkans; following along were Al Qa'ida, Islamic Jihad,
and then GIA. As in Afghanistan, these organizations have
broken away from the control of their mentors and become
their enemies.
Serbia explains that the war, in fact, is a war between
two historically opposed religions: Christianity and Islam.
Serbian secret services first instigated Albanian rebellion
and then suppressed it by state terror. That same refined
game continued in South Serbia. Albanians fought with
arms bought from Serbs, and Serbs negotiated with Albanian
terrorists. When Eovia's82 plan was accepted, Serbia's
South was muted. Then arms merchants sold weapons to western
Macedonia's rebels. Serbia thus destabilized its Southern
neighbor, while at the same time encouraging it to "recognize"
Serbia as its "true orthodox and anti-Islamic ally."
Serbs denounced Albanian rebels in Macedonia as terrorists
from Kosovo; Kosovo Albanians were classified as Islamic
fundamentalists, all done to keep Kosovo within Federal
Yugoslavia's borders.
Serbia has also used the "Israeli syndrome"
as a political ploy. Paul Williams83, an American international
law expert, said that "Serbia is meddling into Bosnia
and Herzegovina's international affairs, and is not quite
innocent in the recent Macedonian crisis." Parts
of the radical Macedonian political scene act similarly.
A connection also exists between the Serbian and Macedonian
secret services, particularly when overseeing and directing
the Macedonian crisis. The hostile reception of Albanian
refugees from Kosovo, and the hostility shown towards
NATO in pro-Serbian demonstrations in Skopje during the
Kosovo war are also signs of that cooperation.
Bulgaria and Greece are publicly opposed to Albanian nationalism.
It is to be considered of global importance. The fear
of a second terrorist front, opening in the Balkans, is
a gross exaggeration, as is the number of 40,000 fanatical
Islamic combatants. But the fact is indisputable that
a war between two religions was waged in this region.
Hidden arms exist, as do "sleeping" combatants.
So any party interested in a "two-civilization conflict"
should look at Europe's "soft underbelly," toward
which "the Green Islamic Transverse"84 is pointed.
NATO's strong presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia,
and the "traditional" Slav animosity towards
Muslims abort such a plan. Even in countries (Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, and Macedonia) where the
Muslim population prevails, there are no prospects. These
countries are presently defining their national and state
identity and seeking European unification and globalization.
Islamic radicalization of the area is at best a forlorn
hope.
In Macedonia's crisis, the ties between terrorism and
organized crime are close. The "war taxes" Albanian
emigrants pay - drug trafficking and people smuggling
- finance the Albanian armed rebellion.
Neighboring countries are vitally interested in this area.
Russia wants to become a world power again. Existence
of the "sleeper" terrorists' is a fact in Bosnia.
Foreign terrorists fought in Albania, Kosovo, and Macedonia.
The safest East-West illegal immigrant route passes through
the area, but is used by terrorists also. The new SEE/
Balkans geopolitical map is not yet defined. Forming new
national states is still an unfinished process.
Important is the fact that the political aims of Macedonian
Albanians and terrorists are the same.
The Macedonian crisis is yet to be solved. However, it
could happen if there were less pressure and fewer unreal
peace proposals, mediation, foreign interference, nationalism,
and pure hate. What is needed is more transparent dialogue,
more compromise, and more economic help.
What next? The armed struggle for Kosovo's independence
will continue, as will the Macedonian Albanians' struggle
to retain their achieved rights. The danger lies in the
ease by which legal demands for greater national rights
can also be called terrorist demands; but from the other
point of view, terrorist acts are also those of freedom
fighters. Once that distinction is made, one embraces
the terrorist (or freedom fighter) and condemns the freedom
fighter (or terrorist). So the argument continues. James
Pettifer85, a BBC journalist, states the international
communities' doubt about the Macedonian crisis: "The
international communities' dilemma about Macedonia's events
is how to base the politics on such shaky and insecure
foundations."
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New York,
September 11, 2001.
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